Governors and anti-graft war

 EDO State is in the maelstrom of solidarity marches. Recently, a group of women staged a rally in support of Governor Adams Oshiomhole’s administration, to counter an earlier protest from another band of women, reportedly sponsored against the governor for expressing misgivings about Lucky Igbinedion’s alleged abuse of office, as governor of the state between 1999 and 2007. At issue are alleged fresh discoveries of wrongdoing quite different from the one for which he was convicted in 2008 by a Federal High Court in Enugu. He was fined N3.5 million then.

Early last month, solidarity protesters spanning a brew of youths, civil society groups and students staged a similar show in Benin. Oshiomhole, who came out to welcome them, assured the protesters that he would take all the files containing the new allegations to Abuja, ostensibly to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, for fresh charges to be pressed against the former governor. But why head for Abuja?

Besides Oshiomhole, there are other governors who feel strongly about the vandalism of their state treasuries by their predecessors and civil servants. Today, most of the 774 Local Government Areas in the country are dysfunctional, unable to discharge even the most basic of their statutory duties, simply because of the corrupt governance template in operation. Consequently, ex-governors are standing trial for sundry corrupt practices, especially money laundering cases. So too are former council chairmen. Forwarding every corruption case to the centre for prosecution, rather than help, lays a solid foundation for their death or indeterminate judicial adjudication.

Nigeria is a federation; but long years of military misadventure in political leadership have blindfolded many to this fact. When the performance of the EFCC and the Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission are juxtaposed with their objectives and the increasing scale of financial crimes in the country, the need for a critical review of the present process that centralises the prosecution of corruption cases becomes compelling. It has been blithely argued that governors may embark on a witch-hunt in exercising such powers, especially when it affects predecessors from rival political parties. The obvious weaknesses of state institutions have also been expressed. But that is why the appellate courts are there to provide remedies where necessary.

We contend that states with the necessary political will to undertake such a judicial task should go after venal politicians and civil servants. Section 273 of the constitution, which vests in state High Courts such powers, puts the matter beyond question when it states that such a court shall have the jurisdiction “… to hear and determine any criminal proceedings involving or relating to any penalty, forfeiture, punishment or other liability in respect of an offence committed by any person.” Taming the scourge of corruption demands a holistic approach. In the United States, corruption cases are tried by federal, state and local prosecutors.

To lead the war, governors must be above board. Former Chairman, ICPC, Mustapha Akanbi, once urged governors to lead by example and also ensure that those who were corrupt under them were brought to book. If positive change is to emerge, this is the way to go.

The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development argues that the costs of corruption are immeasurable – injustice, misallocation of resources and economic decay. Corruption affects a staggering number of livelihoods and lives and erodes the faith of citizens in their governments and in the rule of law. Indeed, corruption has undermined the country, helping to keep 68 per cent of its population on less than $1.25 a day. The Economist derisively describes Nigeria as a country where corruption is the only thing that works. For the better part of Nigeria’s 55 years of statehood, this has been our tragic experience. It would be awful if the same were to continue.

In fighting corruption, we need to fire on all cylinders, especially now that the economy is in icy headwinds. The loss of oil revenues has left many of Nigeria’s 36 states nearly bankrupt, unable to pay salaries. The World Bank says the sharp decline in oil prices since the third quarter of 2014 has posed major challenges to the country’s external balance and public finances. The outlook may continue to be gloomy for a long time since oil accounts for close to 90 per cent of exports and roughly 75 per cent of our consolidated budgetary revenues.

According to Osisioma Nwolise, a professor of Political Science, University of Ibadan, “Corruption in Nigeria has made a dangerous dive, and must be given a dangerous bullet.” We agree.